www.antithaksin.com

Ultimate objectives of PAD

       a. PAD wants to get rid of corruptions. Thaksin, the billionaire civilian dictator, has left Thailand with extensive high level of corruptions and proxy politicians. Having cheated the country while in power, Thaksin hid his corrupt billion of dollars worth of assets overseas. When ousted, Thaksin is subjected to numerous convictions but cowardly fled jail overseas and pull strings on politicians to sabotage his homeland.

       b. PAD protects the Monarchy. Thaksin wants to launder himself through amending the laws with his proxy politicians, while trying to abolish the Monoarchy and make himself a President, that is to cause turmoils and change Thailand from being a "Kingdom" to a "Republic" in stead.

       c. As a permanent cure for Thailand, PAD wants to get real democracy for Thailand. At present it is a fake democracy with bad on-sale politicians.

       d. To achieve all above a, b, c we have to get rid of Thaksin and his proxy politicians and punish them according to the laws.


    Contemporary Thailand

    General

    The Monarchs In The Contemporary World

    ( Last edit 2009-09-03 )

    A Pantheon of Monarchs Who Mattered
    By ANTHONY SPAETH
    From TIME Asia story TIME 100: AUGUST 23-30, 1999 VOL. 154 NO. 7/8

    At the dawn of the 20th century, Asia was the most royal of continents. Its major public buildings were palaces: some were quasi-religious sites, others doubled as military fortresses, most were spectacularly grand. The palaces are still around for locals and tourists to enjoy, but the kings, princes, sultans, datuks and maharajahs have either been pushed off the stage or have gone "constitutional"--maintaining their titles but no longer possessing the power to rule. Asia's political history in this century can be told largely through the story of their decline, from China's Last Emperor, Pu Yi, to the myriad maharajahs of the subcontinent, whose noblesse oblige is now showered on tourists who rent rooms in their faded former palaces of glory.

    The process is far from complete, however. In Thailand and Cambodia, the reigning, if not ruling, monarchs still have the power--and the need--to stabilize the political situation from time to time. And the actions of many earlier monarchs, such as Kashmir's Hari Singh, continue to be felt today.

    THE LAST EMPEROR

    At a banquet given by Japanese military officers in Manchuria in 1932, an invited prostitute turned to the shy, bespectacled guest of honor and asked, "Are you in trade?"

    Not quite. The man was Henry Pu Yi, final emperor of China's Qing Dynasty, who had just agreed to become chief executive of Japan's puppet state of Manchukuo. (He was elevated to emperor two years later.) Pu Yi was one of the most grandly tragic royal figures of the century. Raised in Beijing's Forbidden City and brought to the throne by Empress Dowager Ci Xi, Pu Yi had no set meal times; his command--"Transmit the viands!"--produced instant imperial banquets. He didn't leave the Forbidden City until he was ejected at the age of 18 in 1924 when the army of a warlord and enemy of the Manchus, Feng Yuxiang, surrounded it.

    At war's end, he spent five involuntary years in Russia and then time in a Chinese labor camp, where he learned gardening and, in an embrace of communism, surrendered three priceless imperial seals. Though Pu Yi died of cancer in 1967, it was only 28 years later that his fourth wife interred his ashes in a cemetery in Beijing--the owner, a Hong Kong businessman, thought it would be good promotion--just 300 m from the mausoleum of Emperor Guang Xu, Pu Yi's Qing predecessor.

    PERILOUS PREVARICATOR

    Like many of the princes of India's independent kingdoms, Hari Singh, the final Maharajah of Kashmir, was a colorful international celebrity--particularly following a public pre-war adultery-blackmail scandal in London--and he loved his pearls, diamonds and one especially fat emerald.

    Singh made history during the 1947 partition of the subcontinent when he was forced to decide whether Kashmir would join Pakistan or India. He was a Hindu king, which made India the most likely choice, but the majority of his subjects were Muslim. Singh held out for independence until the night of Oct. 24, 1947, when Pakistan-backed tribesmen poured over the Kashmir border in an attempt to force his hand. Singh was whisked from his palace in Srinagar in an American station wagon laden with his most precious possessions. Then he signed a formal order of accession--Kashmir became part of India. But Pakistan fought on for months, hanging on to a sliver of the territory. A subsequent war broke out in 1965.

    Earlier this summer, India and Pakistan, each of which now possesses nuclear weapons, fought once again over the territory. After more than 50 years, Hari Singh's Kashmir remains one of the hottest flashpoints on the globe.

    THE PRINCE FORMERLY KNOWN AS KING

    The wildest ride of any of Asia's monarchs has surely been that of Cambodia's Norodom Sihanouk. Installed as King by the French at the age of 18--the Japanese later made him puppet Prime Minister--Sihanouk downgraded himself to the rank of Prince in 1955, putting his father on the throne for several years. He later evolved into an authoritarian ruler, who guided Cambodia during the 1950s and '60s. (As war raged in Indo-china, the playboy-bon vivant also enthusiastically pursued a sideline as director, star, script-writer and musical director of local movies.)

    Overthrown in a 1970 coup, Sihanouk went into exile in Beijing, with long stays in Pyongyang, before unwisely returning to become the communist Khmer Rouge's titular head of state for three years of personal hazard and house arrest. When Cambodia shed both the Khmer Rouge and the Vietnam-installed regime that followed, Sihanouk in 1993 returned again as King. Technically, it's a figurehead position, but Sihanouk, now 76, has repeatedly stepped in to smooth an ongoing power struggle between his son Norodom Ranariddh and the current Prime Minister, former Khmer Rouge cadre Hun Sen.

    POPULAR IN PUBLIC, POWERFUL IN PRIVATE

    Thailand's absolute monarchy ended in 1932, but King Bhumibol Adulyadej, grandson of Rama V, has kept the monarchy revered and effective through often troubled times. Born in the U.S.--while his father was studying medicine at Harvard--Bhumibol was educated in Lausanne and learned English, French, German and enough saxophone to compose a number for a 1950 Broadway show. But after ascending the throne that same year, he threw himself into development projects. From behind the scenes, he helped steer the nation through leftist threats, numberless coups and two popular pro-democracy movements. More recently, the King, now 71, has applied his wide-ranging talents to helping solve Bangkok's traffic problem.


    King Chulalongkorn: Royal Reformer
    His modernizations helped preserve Thailand's freedom

    From TIME Asia story TIME 100: AUGUST 23-30, 1999 VOL. 154 NO. 7/8

    Born Sept. 21, 1853 in Bangkok
    1868 Succeeded his father, King Mongkut, to the throne
    1883 Death of the regent who restricted his reforms
    1900 First railway line completed
    1902 Established Chulalongkorn University to train a corps of provincial administrators
    1905 Abolished slavery
    1907 Met with European leaders to ensure Thailand's sovereignty
    Died Oct. 23, 1910

    Thailand's beloved monarch reformed his ancient land and opened it to the West, without surrendering its sovereignty
    By Anand Panyarachun is a former Prime Minister of Thailand

    Every night, throngs of Thais of different backgrounds and ages congregate in groups large and small at the Royal Plaza in Bangkok. In the serene atmosphere of this vast public space, they set up altars with candles and joss sticks to pay homage to their beloved, long-deceased monarch, King Chulalongkorn, Rama V of the Chakri Dynasty. They solemnly show their respect to the equestrian statue, ensconced at the center of the plaza, that symbolizes his majestic reign. It is a moving and impressive sight.

    The King ascended the throne in 1868 and reigned for 42 years until his death in 1910. During that time he became one of the world's best-known monarchs, celebrated in literature and drama. Thais remember and revere him as a paragon of learning, accomplishment and dynamism, the man who more than any brought their ancient nation into the modern world.

    When he succeeded to the throne of Siam, as the country was then known, on the demise of his father King Mongkut, or Rama IV, he was a mere boy of 15 in feeble health. Even though Siam was notionally an absolute monarchy, the power he inherited was limited. Real authority lay in the hands of a small oligarchy of noble families. Their control of the nation's purse, the forced labor of the peasantry, the provincial administration, the legal system and the line of succession imposed enormous constraints on the young monarch. In fact, it was a sign of the oligarchs' power that they succeeded in placing on the throne such a young and seemingly sickly king, who was not expected to live very long.

    This was not an auspicious climate for any new ruler. The only factor in the boy's favor was the invaluable training he had received from his father. Chulalongkorn was the beneficiary of a superb and balanced education that combined both classical Thai and modern Western elements. He had also enjoyed a valuable apprenticeship at his father's side. Otherwise, the deck was stacked against him. In the initial period of his reign, King Chulalongkorn had to function under the guidance of the regent--the foremost nobleman--and other members of the regent's family who held powerful administrative positions. The King realized that the reforms he wanted to introduce, especially to the monarchy itself, would be greeted with hostility by the oligarchs, whose power and vested interests would inevitably be threatened.

    Why was the young monarch so intent on reform? One obvious reason was to shore up his insecure throne. But also lurking in the King's mind was an external threat. European ambitions in the region were becoming overt and aggressive in the late 19th century. The colonial expansions of Britain, France and other powers were in full steam. A way had to be found to resist European imperialism, in both political and commercial terms. To confront the colonial powers openly would have courted disaster; to shut off his kingdom from the outside world and oppose foreign concepts and thinking would also have led to catastrophe.

    King Chulalongkorn decided on a third option, constructive engagement with the colonial powers. He did this by opening up the country to the West through skillful diplomacy, yielding concessions without giving up sovereignty. The King was also buying time to consolidate his power through a modernization drive. He experimented with innovative changes in his own household by updating the dress code, sponsoring Western-style education for his younger brothers and associates and filling the court with open-minded young men who shared his vision. He also studied various models of European colonial administration during visits to Dutch and British holdings in Java, Malaya, Burma and India in 1871 and 1872. He was slowly and quietly laying the groundwork for the centralization of administration in Siam.

    The conservative nobility did not at first grasp the significance of King Chulalongkorn's activities. Their complacency enabled him to embark on a series of reforms at his second coronation on Nov. 16, 1873. It was a sort of coming of age, as the king was now 21. A start was made in the abolition of slavery. The practice of prostration in public and at ceremonial events was discarded. Some major financial and legal reforms were undertaken. The Privy Council and the Council of State, bodies that acted like a cabinet and a panel of advisers, respectively, were set up. Before long, though, these moves generated anger and defiance from the nobility. Sensing an imminent confrontation with the old guard, the King temporarily retreated and let the reform measures lie dormant.

    But he knew time was on his side. By the early 1880s, the ranks of the regency began to dwindle. The end of the chapter came with the death in 1883 of the regent and in 1886 of his designated successor. The King named his eldest son as crown prince. Chulalongkorn's enthusiasm for reform was revived, but he was still constrained by a lack of competent and trusted bureaucrats to implement his program. So the King turned to his younger brothers, whose modern education he had helped to guide and whose minds were imbued with a spirit of innovation. He appointed them, some still in their early 20s, to positions of authority. He also recruited a number of foreign advisers in various fields of expertise.

    What the King did next touched nearly every aspect of the lives of his people. Provincial administration was brought under centralized direction and augmented by specialized functional ministries. Modern law codes and other judicial reforms were decreed, and these went a long way toward pacifying the European powers' discontent with the legal system. Fiscal administration was centralized and modern accounting, budgeting and auditing procedures were adopted. Roads and bridges, railways, telegraph lines, irrigation canals and water gates were constructed. Mining projects were launched. Mapping was introduced. The King also vastly expanded educational and medical services. The military forces were upgraded through conscription and the founding of a military academy.

    King Chulalongkorn never forgot that his kingdom's economy was based on agriculture. To benefit the rural population, he introduced land title deeds, as well as a more equitable land tax and collection system. The King also developed unexploited land by the intensification and extension of agriculture, forestry and mining. Those and other economic reforms helped bring unprecedented industrial growth and increased foreign trade.

    The King championed education and the teaching of ethics and morality. Education, in his view, was not only an instrument to serve national needs, but the means to ensure a better quality of life for his people. He established a primary education system by making full use of Buddhist monasteries over the entire kingdom, and he introduced a formal curriculum for the training of teachers. Furthermore, he established vocational and trade schools and a civil service institute, which subsequently became Chulalongkorn University, to prepare young men and women for public service. By increasing the knowledge and worldliness of the people, this "popular education" policy would, ironically, lay the seeds for an anti-monarchical movement in the 1932 revolution.

    The direction, substance and comprehensiveness of King Chulalongkorn's reforms were startling. He almost single-handedly ushered in a new order to replace the old one. And while he succeeded in restoring absolute monarchy to the throne, he was not in search of personal power. He was seeking power as a means to effect progressive change and advancement for Siamese society. He was convinced that fundamental change was right and necessary, from both a Buddhist and a Western perspective.

    The miraculous preservation of Siam's independence and sovereignty, in contrast to the experience of other Asian countries, was due in large measure to the King's reforms, diplomatic skills and ability to consolidate central authority. These were the qualities that endeared him to his subjects--to such an extent that the Thai people donated money to erect the King Rama V equestrian statue at the Royal Plaza to commemorate the life and deeds of a king whose legacy left a permanent imprint in the hearts and minds of his people. King Chulalongkorn was indeed a symbol of an enlightened age in Siamese history. Through his leadership and vision, a traditional Southeast Asian kingdom was transformed into a modern nation.

    Click to see more of what His Majesty the King Bhumibol Adulyadej, grandson of Rama V, has been doing for Thailand.

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