Ultimate objectives of PAD

       a. PAD wants to get rid of corruptions. Thaksin, the billionaire civilian dictator, has left Thailand with extensive high level of corruptions and proxy politicians. Having cheated the country while in power, Thaksin hid his corrupt billion of dollars worth of assets overseas. When ousted, Thaksin is subjected to numerous convictions but cowardly fled jail overseas and pull strings on politicians to sabotage his homeland.

       b. PAD protects the Monarchy. Thaksin wants to launder himself through amending the laws with his proxy politicians, while trying to abolish the Monoarchy and make himself a President, that is to cause turmoils and change Thailand from being a "Kingdom" to a "Republic" in stead.

       c. As a permanent cure for Thailand, PAD wants to get real democracy for Thailand. At present it is a fake democracy with bad on-sale politicians.

       d. To achieve all above a, b, c we have to get rid of Thaksin and his proxy politicians and punish them according to the laws.

    Contemporary Thailand

    International Message

    Court 'did its duty' over charter change

    ( Last edit 2013-11-26 )

    Editorial Opinion: Bangkok Post, November 25, 2013

    The Constitution Court has done its duty well for Thais in holding an act of the parliament subject to the constitution. In this decision the court has ruled that a majority in parliament may not exercise a willful and unaccountable power over Thai politics.

    It is important for Thais to know the Constitution Court's decision is fully consistent with 224 years of US democracy.

    Red-shirts, supporters of Thaksin gathered in front of the Constitution Court building to protest against and threaten the judges after they accepted to deliberate Pua Thai's cases. Thaksin and his crony always accept courts' verdicts if any ruling is in favour of them but ferociously attack the courts if the verdicts are not whereas Yingluck chants rule of law and legal state for every speech and interview.

    Federalist Paper No.78, written by Alexander Hamilton in 1788, considered the role of courts in standing up to "unjust and partial laws" passed by the legislature. He warned that the "spirit of injustice" will "sap the foundations of public and private confidence, and to introduce in its stead universal distrust and distress".

    With these simple words, Hamilton predicted the current political crisis facing the Thai people.

    The Federalist Papers were newspaper commentaries advocating adoption of the proposed Federal Constitution which had been drafted in 1787. They were written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay.

    Federalist Paper No.71, also written by Hamilton, foresaw that legislatures could fail in their duties to act justly. He wrote: "The representatives of the people, in a popular assembly, may sometimes fancy that they are the people themselves, and betray strong symptoms of impatience and disgust at the least sign of opposition from any other quarter; as if the exercise of its rights, by the judiciary, were a breach of their privilege and an outrage to their dignity."

    Just so we hear in Thailand today claims that the Constitution Court has no right to intrude into the power of parliament to act as its majority wishes.

    Under Thailand's parliamentary system, the legislature and the executive are fused into one branch of government, reducing the separation of powers and undercutting the checks and balances which protect the people against injustice that might come from one political faction.

    In the case of the constitutional amendment passed by parliament and just voided by the Constitution Court, the act of parliament was really an act of the executive power.

    It was the government which introduced and carried the act.

    The House and the Senate gave their consent to an executive decision.

    In the US, the courts have long had the power to overrule acts of our presidential executives.

    In the Watergate case which drove Richard Nixon to resign, the US Supreme Court ruled the president had no privilege to withhold evidence from the courts which might incriminate him.

    The president's lawyers had argued that the courts had no right to intrude into the inner workings of another branch of government. But the Supreme Court held to the contrary that only the courts could exercise the judicial power.

    No other branch could step in to tell the courts what to think. The court had the right to interpret the constitution differently from the beliefs of other branches of government.

    The rule of law and due process of justice demanded that all the relevant facts be brought before a trial of alleged criminal activity. The president had to obey that rule just as any ordinary citizen had to.

    Earlier, the Supreme Court had denied president Harry Truman the right to govern by personal decree _ even during war and even in a national emergency.

    To keep up steel production during the Korean War when unions were about to strike over higher wages, President Truman took control of the steel companies.

    The Supreme Court held that the war powers provided to the president by the constitution did not extend to civil matters involving labour strikes.

    And, much earlier, in the 1866 case of Ex Parte Miligan, the US Supreme Court held that the authority of president Abraham Lincoln did not extend to the establishment of certain military courts to arrest and try citizens who supported the rebellion of the southern states in our Civil War.

    The Supreme Court limited executive power in the midst of war saying the president had no mandate to do as he wished as "he is controlled by law".

    The court commented that if the protection of the law were to be withdrawn, "the people would be at the mercy of wicked rulers or the clamour of an excited people", noting in addition that "wicked men, ambitious of power, with hatred of liberty and contempt of law, may fill the place once occupied by Washington and Lincoln".

    The duty of a constitutional court in the US and in Thailand is to stand between the people and the selfish abuse of power by those in government.

    Stephen B Young is former dean and professor of law, Hamline University School of Law, and former assistant dean, the Harvard Law School.

    Yingluck-Thaksin Tyrant Regime uses dirty tricks and police state to rebel against the constitution court's verdict. The below video clip shows the police covers up all the Bangkok Metropolitan's CCTVs in all the avenues around the government house and the parliament to make sure that their violent cracking down of the people's rally in support of the court verdict against the Yingluck's tyrant government, would not be evident.

    November 24, 2013 saw the largest ever rally in Thailand of over 1 million people gathering along Rajdamnoen avenues and government district. They call for termination of Yingluck-Thaksin regime and reformation of Thai politics as they support the Constitution Court verdict issue on November 20, 2013.

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